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by the newspaper - May 10, 2010
Marcello Veneziani
Ci voleva la zampata postuma di Oriana Fallaci, da morta, per rianimare il dibattito sulla cultura italiana. Ieri hanno fatto brillare una mina lasciata dalla bellicosa Oriana in una lettera inedita di dieci anni fa. È una lettera su Gentile, Croce e la viltà degli antifascisti, dura e schietta come nella prosa fallaciana, scritta a Chicco Testa e resa nota dal Riformista. In questa densa lettera (scritta a fine luglio del 2000), la Fallaci dice quattro cose: che l’assassinio di Gentile fu una carognata ingiusta e vigliacca. Che Gentile non era fascista. Che gli antifascisti furono dei «cacasotto» perché uccisero un grande e inerme filosofo mentre non ebbero il coraggio di sminare i ponti di Firenze che i tedeschi avevano minato. E infine, that they should kill Cross, which, in his words, beginning "licked his ass' to Mussolini, like many intellectuals" who would later become the gods of the PCI. " In four moves Fallaci describes her brutal frankness of the twentieth century Italian intellectual.
Yes, Dear was the murder of a carcass, unjust and cowardly, Fallaci is right. But the worst thing that escapes the fallacy was that Gentile was not killed because Fascist intransigence, but rather because it was aiming for consensus, asked the fascist and anti-fascists to feel first of all Italians and united in the tragedy of war. This was not forgiven: not like the fascists and fanatics displace fierce anti-fascist, extraction in large part communism. De Felice distinguished between fascism-movement, radical and revolutionary, and fascism-regime, conservative and authoritarian. I believe that there is also a party and a fascism-fascism-nation, or a militant and partisan vision of fascism, and fascism-fascism as a nation that thought to the secular arm of Italy, in the sense that fascism was for them realization of Italy in the twentieth century, the Risorgimento as it was in previous centuries, but Italy was the still point. This idea of \u200b\u200bfascism and the nation joined Dear Rocco, Fox and other major. The Social Republic was a historical necessity for them but not the apotheosis of fascism. Gentile joined it for consistency with his past, Fox was held on the sidelines, Rocco was already dead. All thought of Gentile path was the idea of \u200b\u200bunity, identity, community, and not that of faction and civil war.
For Fallaci, Gentile was not fascist, is a half truth. Yes, because his mind was made before the birth of fascism: the arch of his theory has already concluded in the First World War. In terms of its political culture was a renaissance thought, an idea of \u200b\u200bpolitics as a path to civil religion and the state as an ethical value fray. With the dangerous totalitarian know contraindications. The reform of the school was not the most fascist of reforms, come disse Mussolini, ma una grande riforma umanistica di idealismo educativo, percorsa da amor patrio. La sua «Enciclopedia» fu aperta a studiosi antifascisti. Ma la sua adesione al fascismo non fu un incidente di percorso e nemmeno un equivoco: l’idea dello Stato nel fascismo ebbe in lui il teorico più forte; la filosofia della guerra ebbe in Gentile la sua più alta elaborazione; il tentativo di annodare il fascismo al Risorgimento fu opera di Gentile sul piano filosofico e di Volpe sul piano storico. No, non fu occasionale il suo fascismo.
Dure ma veritiere poi le parole di Oriana Fallaci sugli antifascisti. Noto solo che quei partigiani non vollero sminare i ponti non solo per mancanza di coraggio, come lei scrive, ma perché -come insegna anche la vicenda via Rasella-Fosse ardeatine a Roma - c’era in alcuni capi partigiani la logica del tanto peggio tanto meglio. Ovvero le brutalità naziste potevano servire a generare un clima di odio verso i medesimi e i loro alleati fascisti, e quindi a legittimare la lotta antifascista, la guerra rivoluzionaria e le vendette più atroci.
Infine trovo ingiusto il giudizio della Fallaci su Croce. È vero che il primo Croce sostenne il fascismo e anzi lo alimentò anche teoricamente: le opere di Sorel, che furono breviari per il fascismo, le aveva portate lui in Italia. L’idea di un dittatore che rimettesse a posto l’Italia dopo il biennio rosso non dispiaceva a Croce. Ma pensava ad una dittatura momentanea, come ai tempi the Romans. And do not forget that, unlike Gentile, Croce was not interventionist, was and remained Giolitti. Then, from '25 onwards, against fascism, the intellectuals rallied in the famous manifesto, remained dignified dissent, and published for nearly two decades all the criticism of anti-fascism was a gym. No, the Cross was not a "licker" and even a turncoat.
And here, finally, let me say one thing about Italian intellectuals. We consider them cowards and opportunists, chameleons and servile, but is right when we turn to the second file. The great Italian intellectuals of the twentieth century were consistent and paid in person. I omit those who fought or lost their lives in World War I, interventionists made, but I say Hello and Gobetti, Gramsci and Jacks, Rensi and Fluffy, and Ducati Bonaiuti, Fox and Marinetti or one of the youngest and Berto Ricci Giaime Pintor. Some were killed, others paid with their exclusion, exile, the loss of their teaching. Unlike other European intellectuals timid and far: for example, by Sartre or Heidegger great. Cross not suffered for his anti-fascism, but was still guarded and under threat. The real failure of the intellectuals was that they believed the Italian civilians coincidence of culture and politics, and so remained prisoners of their totalitarian dream: I say Gentile, Gramsci, Gobetti. The idea that culture and politics overlap was the mother of all the most disastrous utopias and the ugly race that was enslaved and the organic intellectual in power.
Wretched is also separate culture and politics: it is wiser to think of them while remaining in the continuity of the spheres. But remove your hat when you speak to them, because they paid their ideas in person. And do not confuse this with the media, even with the scum of the professors who swear by the regime and the racial laws, although anti-fascists, and then take the plunge. The mediocre always floating between mafia and servitude to pay their large size with life and loneliness.
